POLICY ISSUES IN
MARKET BASED AND NON MARKET BASED MEASURES
TO CONTROL THE VOLATILITY OF
PORTFOLIO INVESTMENT
E.V.K.
FitzGerald
Finance and Trade Policy Research Centre,
University of Oxford
Queen Elizabeth House, Oxford OX1 3LA,
U.K.
20 June 1999
[Background paper for the UNCTAD Expert Group meeting
on ‘The Relationship between Foreign Portfolio Investment and Foreign Direct
Investment’, Geneva June 28-30 1999]
1.
Introduction
2.
Causes and Consequences of the Volatility of Foreign Portfolio
Investment Flows
3.
The Experience of Capital Controls
4.
Fiscal and Monetary Policy to Stabilize Capital Flows
5.
International Regulatory Issues
6.
Conclusions
References
Executive
Summary
The
wave of financial crises in emerging markets since 1995 has led to increasing
concern as to the consequences of the instability of international portfolio
capital flows. The leading industrial countries are in the process of constructing a new ‘global financial architecture’. Meanwhile, there is an
increasing interest in the regulation of portfolio flows among developing
countries.
The
causes of the growth and volatility of short term portfolio capital flows
towards emerging markets are to be found in systemic characteristics of global
financial markets, particularly the way in which investment funds are managed
in order to confront uncertainty. Securities markets in developing countries
are both narrow and shallow, leading to considerable instability in the face of
foreign capital flows. The results can be inconsistent with the levels of
domestic savings and real investment required for sustainable economic
development.
Developing
countries have maintained and adopted measures to control the volatility of
portfolio flows. These controls are based on ‘price’ measures, particularly
taxes, which act by changing the
incentives to market participants. In contrast, ‘quantity’ measures, which are
administrative in nature - including exchange controls and borrowing
restrictions - have become less common. The use of complex financial
instruments and offshore financial centres has made these controls less
difficult to evade.
None
the less, the empirical evidence shows that marked-based measures are an
effective means of balance of payments stabilization when combined with active
monetary intervention. The volatility of portfolio flows can be reduced and
maturities lengthened despite financial liberalization. Open-market operations
have proved quite successful in this regard, and can be complemented by the
active use of reserve requirements and public sector deposits. Domestic
regulatory systems may also be important supportive factors.
The
stabilization of portfolio flows and the lengthening of maturities cannot be
achieved by individual developing countries acting in isolation. The existing
‘international financial architecture’ is mainly designed to prevent
international bank failures; greater coordination between securities
authorities is required due to the systemic instability of global capital
markets. This could be supported by appropriate multilateral investment
disciplines and cooperation between tax authorities.
Marked based policy measures to control the volatility of foreign
portfolio investment in developing countries thus have a significant role to
play in underpinning sustainable development, but these should form part of a
consistent multilateral framework.
1. INTRODUCTION
1.1 The Increasing Importance of Portfolio
Investment
The increasing globalization of capital markets is widely regarded as a unique opportunity for poor economies to accelerate their rate of growth by accessing financial resources. Higher rates of private fixed capital formation are expected to result from financial liberalization, reducing poverty by generating new jobs at good wages and providing fiscal resources for human development (World Bank 1997). Since the mid-1980s developing countries have, in consequence, embarked on an unprecedented unilateral liberalization of their investment regimes - including that for portfolio investment by non-residents.
There are three
main categories of private foreign investment flows: foreign direct investment
(FDI) which involves investment within a firm where the foreign investor
has a permanent interest in the subsidiary; foreign portfolio investment (FPI);
and foreign bank lending (FBL) to banks, firms and governments in the recipient
country.
Foreign portfolio
investment is effected by purchases of bonds and equities issued by companies
and governments, on both international
and domestic capital markets. Large domestic corporations in developing
countries are increasingly issuing international depository receipts or gaining
listings on major stock markets; while foreign investors increasingly purchase
bonds (particularly government paper) issued on domestic markets. As Table 1
indicates, FPI has accounted for about one half of net private capital flows to
‘emerging markets’ (that is, developing and transition countries) during the
1990s.
Table 1 Emerging Market Economies: Net Capital Flows
(US $ Billion)
|
|
1991 |
1992 |
1993 |
1994 |
1995 |
1996 |
1997 |
1998 |
|
Net private capital
flows |
123.8 |
119.3 |
181.9 |
152.6 |
193.3 |
212.1 |
149.1 |
64.3 |
|
Net direct investment |
31.3 |
35.5 |
56.8 |
82.7 |
97.0 |
115.9 |
142.7 |
131.0 |
|
Net portfolio investment |
36.9 |
51.1 |
113.6 |
105.6 |
41.2 |
80.8 |
66.8 |
36.7 |
|
Net bank lending* |
55.6 |
32.7 |
11.5 |
-35.8 |
55.0 |
15.4 |
-60.4 |
-103.4 |
|
Net official flows |
36.5 |
22.3 |
20.1 |
1.8 |
26.1 |
-0.8 |
24.4 |
41.7 |
|
Change in reserves |
-61.5 |
-51.9 |
-75.9 |
-66.7 |
-120.2 |
-109.1 |
-61.2 |
-34.7 |
|
Current account balance |
-85.1 |
-75.6 |
-116.0 |
-72.0 |
-91.0 |
-91.8 |
-87.1 |
-59.2 |
Source:
IMF (1999). * ‘other net investment’ in the source table.
The rapid growth
of portfolio investment in terms of capital flows across frontiers, is
primarily due to the securitization of capital flows and the
institutionalization of savings in industrial countries (UNCTAD, 1998c). None the less, new equity issues (as opposed
to secondary trading) are not very significant as Table 2 indicates. Between
1996 and 1998, equity issues accounted for only 8 percent of gross private
financing to emerging market economies.
Rather it is bond issues - by corporations and governments - which
account for most of the new market. In consequence, the effect of portfolio
flows is felt mainly through their
impact on the liquidity of local capital markets rather than directly on
the management of local corporations (UNCTAD, 1998d).
Table 2: Gross Private Financing to Emerging Market
Economies
|
|
1996 |
1997 |
1998 |
|
Total gross private financing |
218.4 |
286.1 |
148.8 |
|
Bond
issues |
101.9 |
128.1 |
77.7 |
|
Other
fixed income |
9.4 |
10.0 |
0.5 |
|
Loan
commitments |
90.7 |
123.2 |
60.7 |
|
Equity
issues |
16.4 |
24.8 |
9.9 |
Source:
IMF (1999)
1.2 Concerns about the Volatility of
Portfolio Investment
In terms of the
relative stability of the three categories of private flows, it is evident from
Table 1 that FDI is the more stable flow in the aggregate during the 1990s. FBL
is the most volatile of the three - becoming sharply negative when short-term
bank credits are not renewed - have been the main source of instability in
recent emerging market crises. Aggregate FPI volatility lies between these two.
Detailed statistical tests reveal that these patterns are repeated at the
individual country level (UNCTAD, 1998d).
Opinions differ
widely as to the origins of the evident volatility of exchange rates and
capital flows, and the proper means of stabilizing them. None the less, concern is growing that the impact of the volatility in short-term
capital flows on developing countries is deleterious due to its effect on real
exchange rates, domestic interest rates, asset values and domestic credit
levels. National authorities are
frequently forced to undertake sudden shifts in fiscal and monetary policy in
order to offset such shocks, while international institutions become even
further involved in policy conditionality and last-resort lending.[1]
This concern about
the impact of short-term capital movements clearly goes beyond the traditional
fear of systemic risk in the financial system arising from the differing
maturity of assets and liabilities and the consequences of uncertain
expectations being transmitted from one institution or market to others
(‘contagion’). The ‘real economy’ - that is production, investment, wages,
social services and so on - can be negatively affected by capital surges.
Failure to meet
the standards required by foreign investors can be penalized by lower
investment and growth as capital resources move elsewhere, leading to the
danger of marginalization of those
groups or nations not able to compete efficiently due to lack of resources,
skills or institutions (UNRISD, 1995).
Moreover, there are good reasons to believe that financial markets are
inherently unstable, and have historically required strong institutions to
control them (Kindelberger, 1996). Thus a considerable degree of intervention
is probably required in order to ensure an orderly market in portfolio flows
and to ensure that these flows support sustainable development. In consequence,
it is not surprising that there is increasing interest in the regulation of
portfolio flows in developing countries; controls that have only been lifted in
recent decades by developed countries themselves (UNCTAD, 1998a).
2.
CAUSES AND CONSEQUENCES OF THE
VOLATILITY OF FOREIGN PORTFOLIO INVESTMENT FLOWS
2.1 Systemic characteristics of flows towards
emerging markets
The theoretical
case for liberalising international capital flows is based on four principles. First, free capital movements can
facilitate a more efficient allocation of savings, channelling resources to
countries where they can be used most productively, and thereby increasing
growth and welfare. Second, access to foreign capital markets may enable
investors to achieve a higher degree of portfolio diversification, allowing
them to obtain higher returns at lower risk. Third, full convertibility for
capital account transactions may complement the multilateral trading system,
broadening the channels through which countries can obtain trade and investment
finance. Fourth, liberalisation may improve macroeconomic performance by
subjecting governments to greater market discipline and penalising unsound
monetary and fiscal policies.
However, global
capital markets are characterized by asymmetric and incomplete information. The
increasing international exposure of both equity funds in industrial countries
and financial systems in emerging market economies, has not been accompanied by
a corresponding depth of information about the true value of the assets and
liabilities. The speed and scale of shock
transmission between markets has increased enormously due to
technological advances in trading and settlement, which forces traders to act
without knowledge of wider price movements, exacerbating fluctuations. There
are also substantial agency problems for bank lenders and portfolio investors.
Unlike multinational corporations involved in direct foreign investment, they
can exercise little direct control over the asset acquired and thus cannot
protect its market value. Banks can count on the international financial
institutions to protect their interests to some extent, but as funds cannot
count upon protection of asset value[2],
the logical response is to avoid assets which cannot be rapidly sold if things
go wrong.
These information
and agency problems lead logically to the two main characteristics of
short-term investment in emerging markets.[3] First, international portfolio investors and
bank lenders seek liquidity and use ‘quick exit’ as a means of containing
downside risk. In consequence, indicators such as the ‘quick ratio’ of a
country’s short-term foreign liabilities to central bank reserves become
critical to market stability, and can easily trigger self-fulfilling runs on a
currency. Second, fund managers control risk not by seeking more information or
control, but by portfolio diversification based on an assumed lack of
covariance between emerging market indices. The competition between funds for
clients[4]
drives them towards seeking high-yield, high-risk markets, but by the same
token leads them to make frequent marginal adjustments to their portfolios.
High-risk emerging
market assets with high returns have a positive attraction for global portfolio
investors because the riskiness of their overall portfolio is considerably
reduced by the low covariance between regional markets; but this does not
prevent fund managers from switching frequently between markets in attempt to
maximise short-term profitability.
Although capital movements towards ‘emerging markets’ should depend upon
‘fundamental valuation efficiency’ on the part of international portfolio
managers in assessing future income streams; because this is very difficult in
practice and relies to a great extent on observing the behaviour of other
investors, so that in practice misallocation is widespread and sudden
corrections are frequent (Tobin, 1984).
The volatility of
portfolio flows thus cannot be attributed to investor irrationality or even to
‘speculation’ except in the technical sense of international or intertemporal
arbitrage (Hirschliefer and Riley, 1992). Rather it is the scale of these flows
in relation to the size of the domestic capital market - in terms of both the
proportion of the domestic capital stock that is effectively ‘on the market’
and the size of the local market in relation to the international market in
which the non-resident investors operate - and the high covariance between
asset prices within a given developing economy or even region, which renders
them problematic (UNCTAD, 1998d).
Shifts in
international portfolio composition usually correspond to changes in
perceptions of country solvency by international investors rather than to
variations in underlying asset value. Because of the imbalance between
borrowers and lenders (emerging market assets form a relatively small part of
savers’ portfolios in developed countries, but a large part of firms’ and
banks’ liabilities in developing countries) marginal shifts in lenders’
positions tend to destabilize borrowers’ liquidity.[5] These surges are worsened by herding
behaviour due to mean variance portfolio optimisation as the market moves in a
process of ‘contagion’ (IMF, 1999). As opportunities for diversification increase,
the impact of news on the allocation of funds in a single country, relative to
initial allocations, grows without bounds resulting in a massive outflows
further threatening financial stability.[6] Therefore prudential regulation may be
needed of global lenders as much as of global borrowers.
2.2 Capital Market Stability in Open
Developing Economies
Financial systems
exist in order to facilitate the allocation of resources across space and time,
in an environment of uncertainty and transaction costs (Levine, 1997). In general it is expected that the
integration of stock markets internationally would reduce their volatility
because of the portfolio diversification and increased liquidity and
transparency of information this provides (Atje and Jovanovic, 1993;
Korajczyck, 1996). It is frequently argued (eg Levine, 1991) that the ability
to trade corporate securities should help to fund long-term projects, reducing
agents’ productivity risks and increasing their liquidity; and a similar
argument is extended to developing countries (Bencivenga, Smith and Starr,
1996). The selection and monitoring functions of financial markets are
basically concerned with providing and processing information; but as
information is imperfect, financial markets are characterized by market failure
and imperfections (Stiglitz, 1994); indeed stock markets can have a negative
effect on growth if these markets are subject to excess volatility (De Long et
al, 1989).
While resident
financial investors evidently behave differently from non-residents, much of
this difference arises from their respective portfolio compositions - resident
investors have a much greater weighting of local assets (‘home bias’). This
home bias in turn results from asymmetric knowledge of local opportunities and
control over local agents, plus the currency in which consumption is expressed
(Brainard and Tobin, 1992). Access to information and control over investment
outcomes also seems to differ between
residents and non-residents, although here distinction may well be between
large and small investors rather than their location. Moreover, as the result
of decades of overseas asset acquisition by domestic wealth-holders in
developing countries (‘capital flight’) not only do their portfolios have a
large foreign-exchange denominated component, but also much of what appears to
be ‘foreign’ portfolio investment inflows is often in fact the reduction of
external asset positions by domestic investors (‘repatriation of flight
capital’).
The changes in the
short-term asset holdings of non-residents are to a considerable extent exogenous to fluctuations in the real
economy - output, investment,
employment and wages. It is widely
agreed that the larger part of the fluctuations in short-term capital flows to
any one developing country are caused by changes in global capital markets
(Calvo, Leiderman and Reinhart, 1993;IMF, 1997). Moreover financial markets -
particularly in developing countries - are supply-constrained (Stiglitz &
Weiss, 1992) so that they are in stable disequilibrium with adjustments
determined by creditors rather than debtors because demand is in effect
infinitely elastic at the equilibrium interest rate. In consequence, changes in
the asset demand pattern (reflecting international portfolio composition) of
non-resident investors, rather than the supply of liabilities by
residents, can be taken as the
immediate cause of short term capital flows.
Apart from the
longer-term effects on saving and investment, portfolio capital inflows are
generally regarded as being expansive in the sense of increasing domestic
adsorption, unless they are fully sterilized by increasing reserves. However,
this expansive process is not the same as an autonomous rise in government
expenditure (or even an export-led boom) because to create a flow the portfolio
investment asset must have been acquired from (or sold to) a domestic agent and
much depends upon that domestic agent’s consequent response - to consume,
invest or acquire external assets in the case of private agents, or to spend,
invest or reduce debt in the case of government.
Short-term capital
inflows often lead to an unsustainable appreciation of the exchange rate, which
prevents export promotion and generates an import boom, while the expansion of
domestic credit consequent upon asset sales to non-residents being deposited in
the domestic banking system tends to result in unsafe loans at low rates of
interest. The subsequent outflow usually forces cutbacks in domestic adsorption
to restore external balance, which lead in turn to a fall in current output
levels. Fragile financial institutions
then often collapse under the pressure of bad debts and the fall of asset
prices as interest rates rise and domestic activity declines (Rojas-Suarez and
Weisbrod, 1994).
In sum, portfolio
flows mainly affect domestic capital market liquidity and (through foreign
demand for domestic currency in order to make asset purchases) the exchange
rate. The direct impact on private fixed capital formation is not great, for
two reasons: on the one hand, government bond sales and corporate commercial
paper issues dominate the market, while on the other hand, most equity
purchases are on the secondary market or initial offerings of privatised state
enterprises.
2.3 Savings, Investment, Macroeconomic
Volatility and Capital Surges
The impact of
portfolio flows on economic development depends upon their net effect on
savings and investment, and thus the key issue in evaluating the initial impact
of these (and other) short term capital flows is the way in which the
savings-investment balances of the public and private sectors react to an
exogenous change in short term external liabilities.[7] A ‘virtuous’ debt cycle, requires, of
course, that in the longer term the subsequent fixed capital formation is
sustainable.[8]
It had been
expected that financial liberalization would raise savings in developing
countries (World Bank, 1997), but in fact this has not been the case. There is
in fact a strong substitution observed
between external and domestic savings - with an elasticity of about 0.5
(Edwards 1995; Masson, Bayoumi &
Samiei, 1995). Turner (1996) shows that
in the first half of the 1990s, private portfolio capital flows made the link
between external savings and domestic investment more indirect, which has
enhanced the likelihood of external savings being used to finance consumption
rather than investment because consumers and financial markets react more
rapidly than real investment to the relaxation of liquidity constraints. Short
capital inflows appear to foster consumption through two channels. First, the
positive wealth effect generated by the increase in asset prices and real
exchange rate appreciation leads wealth holders.[9]
Second through credit boom they bring about as portfolio asset purchases from
residents increase bank liquidity and thus consumer credit in the wake of
financial liberalization.
This outcome is
reinforced by the orthodox policy response to short-term capital flows. In the
IMF ‘monetary programming model’ (Khan and Huq, 1990), an autonomous inflow of
capital will permit the government to relax monetary policy and increase
growth; a subsequent outflow would lead to the opposite policy. In other words,
policy becomes pro-cyclical rather than stabilizing. Moreover, bond yields (and
thus interest rates) in small open economies exposed to the international
capital market do not act so as to balance savings and investment. Broadly
speaking, the domestic interest rate (i) is determined by the
international interest rate (i$), the expected depreciation
of the exchange rate (Ee -
E) and the country risk proper (ρ):
|
|
Of these three
terms, the first is clearly exogenous and fluctuates considerably in the short
term; the second depends not only on the current macroeconomic policy of the
government but also on expected policy in the future and fluctuations in other
currencies; and above all, the third term depends on foreign investors’
perceptions of the country in the context of changing circumstances in the
region and the world as a whole - and is the factor which determines the lack
of substitutability between asset classes. The domestic interest rate is thus a
consequence of much the same domestic and external factors that determine
short-term capital flows, rather than acting as a domestic capital market
clearing mechanism.
There are four macroeconomic consequences of
exogenous changes in short-term capital flows (FitzGerald, 1999c).[10] First the main direct transmission effects
on the real economy are through variations in funds available to firms and in
the demand for government bonds; while the main indirect effects are through
variations in the real exchange rate and the level of economic activity. Second, the impact on the fiscal sector is
mainly seen in sudden shifts in the perceived solvency of the public sector,
and thus upon the level of debt believed by foreign investors to be
sustainable; the effect of these fluctuations is felt in volatile levels of
public investment, which reduce the efficiency of public provision of
infrastructure and social services.
Third, the impact on the firms sector is mainly through the supply of
working capital, which generates asymmetric responses in terms of investment
and output due to the impact on firms’ balance sheets; the volatility of
expected profits resulting from this has a strong depressive effect on private
investment. Fourth, the impact on the
household sector is the result of the employment and wage effects; these occur
both directly through firms’ response to short term capital flows, and as a result
of the consequences of fiscal instability; and also indirectly through the
effects of real exchange rate variations on real wages and aggregate employment
levels.
The most damaging
effect of volatile short-term capital
flows is on private fixed investment, and thus on the growth of employment and
productivity in the longer run. This is derived from the effect of this
volatility on the expectations of firms about the profitability of investment
through the impact of macroeconomic variables such as the real exchange rate
and interest rates. Most investment
expenditures are largely irreversible - sunk costs that cannot be recovered if
market conditions turn out to be worse than expected. As firms[11]
can delay investments until more information arrives, there exists an opportunity cost of investing now rather than
waiting. In consequence, the value of a
unit of investment must exceed the purchase and installation cost, by an
amount equal to the value of keeping the investment option alive - which will
increase exponentially with the level of uncertainty (Dixit and Pindyck , 1994). In consequence, if the goal of macroeconomic policy is to
stimulate investment (and thus growth), macroeconomic stability and credibility
may be much more important than particular levels of taxes or profit rates (Pindyck
and Solimano, 1993). These findings
apply a fortiori to the situation where short-term capital surges
require abrupt compensatory movements in fiscal and monetary stances.
3. THE EXPERIENCE OF CAPITAL CONTROLS
3.1 The Motivation for Capital Controls
Recent financial
market turmoil has prompted new interest in capital controls because emerging
markets are adopting a more sceptical attitude towards short‑term
external finance in the wake of the crisis in East Asia. The IMF Articles of Agreement only require
member countries to avoid imposing restrictions on current account
transactions, such as those related to trade in goods and services and the
remittance of profits and dividends. Specifically, Article VI.3 states that:
“Members may exercise such controls as are necessary to regulate international
capital movements, but no member may exercise these controls in a manner which
will restrict payments for current transactions or which will unduly delay
transfers of funds in settlement of commitments, except as provided in Article
VII, Section 3(b) and in Article XIV, Section 2.”
Several developed
countries (including France, Spain and Italy) have in the comparatively recent
past resorted to controls on the inflow or outflow of capital as a temporary
expedient to stabilise domestic financial markets even though such controls
have deliberately distortionary consequences and may increase the risk of a
relaxation of macroeconomic discipline as well as discriminating against
foreign investors. In developing countries, where domestic capital markets are
imperfect and systems for financial supervision are not robust, there is a
strong case for not liberalising capital account transactions fully until these
problems have been addressed (Eichengreen and Mussa, 1998). None the less, the
IMF Interim Committee agreed in 1997 that full convertibility for capital
account transactions should be the ultimate objective for all Fund members.[12]
Johnston and
Tamirisa (1998) examine the determinants of capital controls in 45 developing
and transition countries. Their econometric evidence indicates that balance of
payments and macroeconomic management, market and institutional evolution, and
prudential factors are important in explaining recourse to capital controls. However,
macroeconomic variables appear primarily to motive controls on capital inflows,
while institutional and market structures appear to motivate financial
regulations related to the operations of banks and institutional investors.
Their findings indicate that capital controls in fact reflect in fact the
overall framework of economic regulation and the degree of financial market
development, rather than just balance of payments management objectives.
3.2 The Design of Capital Controls
The focus of this
paper is on preventive controls - that is, on capital inflows; and specifically
those with a temporary horizon. The controls may be in the form of a tax on
capital inflows (Brazil, Chile, Colombia and Thailand) or quantitative
restrictions on capital inflows (Czech Republic and Malaysia) including
prudential measures directed at the domestic banking sector.
Leaving aside[13]
direct investment and real estate transactions on the one hand, and credit
operations and provisions specific to commercial banks on the other; the types
of portfolio investment transactions possibly subject to controls are: shares
or other securities of a participating nature; bonds or other debt securities;
money market instruments; collective investment securities; derivatives and
other instruments. In all five
categories there are possible inflows (purchase locally by nonresidents or sale
or issue abroad by residents) and outflows (sale or issue by nonresidents, or
purchase abroad by residents) to be considered. In addition there may be
provisions specific to institutional investors, typically restricting their
ability to invest abroad.[14]
Capital control
measures on these transactions can be divided into three broad categories:
price-based, quantity based and regulatory. Price-based measures reduce the
interest rate differential between domestic and foreign assets by lowering the
rate of return on an asset for any level of risk. This would induce investors
to reallocate their portfolios away from that asset on the familiar
mean-variance criterion. On capital inflows this would include a tax rate on
interest payments in the local currency, and entry tax (or stamp duty) on the
investment in local currency or a tax on foreign debt issuance by domestic
residents. All these taxes can be structured
to depend on the maturity of the investment.[15] Keynes’ original argument for a transaction
tax to lengthen horizons; and may be relevant for emerging markets (Dornbusch,
1996, 1997).[16]
Quantity based
capital control measures on portfolio capital inflows usually take the form
of limits on the
amount of foreign funds that can be invested in local currency.[17]
In contrast to price-based (ie tax) measures, the objective of quantitative
capital controls is not to alter the return properties of local assets but
rather to regulate the amount of foreign funds that can access these assets. In
other words, non-residents’ portfolios are altered by asset rationing rather
than by altering the mean-variance characteristics.
Quantitative
restrictions have typically involved limitations on external asset and
liability positions of domestic financial institutions (especially banks); on
the domestic operations of foreign financial institutions; on the external
portfolios, real estate holdings or direct investment of nonbank residents.
Measures implemented have included prudential limits or prohibitions on
non-traded related swap activities, off-shore borrowing, banks’ net foreign
exchange positions (Czech Republic, Indonesia, Malaysia, Philippines,
Thailand), caps on banks’ foreign currency liabilities (Mexico) and even broad
measures to prohibit residents from selling short term money market instruments
to foreigners (Malaysia). Often the type of instrument to be used is controlled
rather than the volume - such as restricting the ability of domestic borrowers
to issue bonds on international markets.
The advantage of
price-based controls is that they can be built into the investors’ risk-return
calculations and are credible insofar as they are backed by a sound legislative
and legal framework. Their disadvantage
is that they represent a relatively weak brake on large capital surges in
response sudden changes in expected returns - where the tax payable on short
stays may be very small compared to the gains (or losses) to nonresident
investors from changing their portfolio composition rapidly.
The difficulty
with quantitative restrictions is that they are subject to administrative
discretion and thus investors cannot build their costs into their portfolio
calculation. Their scope and application will be uncertain, introducing an
unknown element of investor risk, and amplifying the opportunities for
corruption. In addition, the ability of even honest administrators to keep up
with new forms of derivatives is limited.
Regulatory capital
control measures attempt to combine the effects of price-based and
quantity-based measures.[18]
They involve the obligatory deposit of a proportion of portfolio purchases in
local cash or government paper, and thus reduce the liquidity of the investor
during the time period of the measure and cost her the yield difference. In consequence, they are more
‘market-friendly’ than quantitative restrictions. Although they do not generate
explicit tax revenues, these measures can discriminate effectively between
potential foreign investors according to their attitude to risk and thus
encourage longer-term equity or bond holdings.
3.3 Circumvention of Capital Controls
In principle, the
adoption of any measures aimed at preventing capital flows from enforcing the
interest parity condition immediately introduces an incentive for circumvention
(Dooley et al, 1996). Whether this occurs depends upon the fixed, variable and
penalty components of circumvention. The fixed cost refers to finding loopholes
in the legislation and constructing appropriate financial instruments to take
advantage of them, which becomes easier with financial market sophistication
(if only off-shore) and in any case is a one-off cost which can become in
effect a public good. The variable cost refers to the administrative expenses
and yield losses involved in continued circumvention and varies with the volume
of transactions; it is particularly high in the case of prudential measures.
The penalty component reflects not only the respective fine but also the risk
of punishment and the reputational consequences of conviction.
Insofar as all these costs can be reduced to an equivalent tax, and that tax can be administered transparently with considerable welfare benefits in terms of public revenues, this would seem to be an argument for price-based controls.[19] In practice, private operators will inevitably find ways to evade controls if there is sufficient incentive, if only by traditional methods such as the over- (or under-) invoicing of current account transactions, which are usually left uncontrolled due to international trade commitment